June
Source: brics.br

Representatives of BRICS countries will conclude the 11th Parliamentary Forum on Thursday, June 5, with the signing of a joint declaration advocating for a more inclusive global order. The document, which has been under negotiation since April, is expected to reflect key discussions, including United Nations reform, the use of local currencies in transactions, and increased women's participation in political decision-making

Representatives of the National Congress emphasized during the opening of the 11th BRICS Parliamentary Forum in Brasília the urgency of enhancing cooperation among Global South countries and strengthening the sovereignty of emerging nations in response to current geopolitical challenges. The ceremony gathered parliamentarians from 16 countries, including permanent members of the group—Brasil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—as well as nations such as Indonesia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Cuba, Bolivia, and Egypt.

Parliamentarians reaffirmed BRICS' long-standing priorities, including the reform of multilateral organizations to enhance the representation of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, as well as promoting trade transactions in local currencies among member countries. Senator and President of the Senate, Davi Alcolumbre, in his opening address at the 11th BRICS Parliamentary Forum, underscored the group's strategic importance, noting that it accounts for 40% of global GDP and 25% of international trade. "We are diverse, yet united by social justice and sustainable development," he stated, emphasizing that BRICS has already surpassed the G7 in economic power. The senator highlighted key priorities for the forum, including the reform of the multilateral security architecture, the strengthening of public health systems, and the regulation of artificial intelligence. "We need regulations that include and protect people in this new technological era," he argued.

Alcolumbre underscored the need to align economic growth with sustainability, stating, "There can be no genuine development without a long-term vision." The senator also highlighted two symbolic achievements of the Forum—the expansion of the group with new member countries and the active participation of women parliamentarians, with their own dedicated space for discussions. "Society becomes stronger when it integrates woman’s perspective into political decision-making," he affirmed.
Alcolumbre urged parliamentarians to translate social demands into concrete public policies, stating, "This is a time of hope, where we can collectively build a fairer future.

Acting President Geraldo Alckmin participated in the event. He outlined six priorities for Brasil's BRICS presidency in 2025, including the establishment of pandemic response mechanisms—such as a global vaccine fund—and the promotion of payment systems in local currencies to reduce trade costs. "The BRICS Development Bank has already financed $32 billion in infrastructure and clean energy projects. We must strengthen this cooperation," he emphasized.

The Acting President underscored the importance of global health, emphasizing the need for cooperation in response to health crises — such as the five major epidemics of the past 17 years (SARS, H1N1, MERS, Ebola, and COVID-19). "Today's challenges require strengthened parliaments and collective action," he stated, noting that Brasil positions itself as a bridge between nations, advocating that "true progress emerges from what unites us." Alckmin concluded his speech with a quote from President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: "The only viable future is one that is sustainable, just, and shared."

Senator Humberto Costa (PT-PE), coordinator of the Forum in the Senate, criticized the structure of the United Nations for reflecting "outdated scenarios from the 1950s." "These systems fail to acknowledge the emergence of new actors in global politics. The organization of Global South countries has reshaped traditional geopolitics, yet institutions remain anchored to a centralized Western perspective," Costa stated.

His remarks echoed the statement of the President of the Chamber of Deputies, Hugo Motta, who advocated for the reform of the United Nations Security Council and the World Trade Organization (WTO) to establish "fairer rules, particularly for agriculture and food security." Motta underscored the urgent need to reform multilateral institutions to reflect the contemporary global landscape. "The structures of the United Nations still mirror the geopolitical realities of the post-World War II era, disregarding the growing role of the Global South," he stated, calling for changes in the Security Council and WTO to ensure greater representation for developing countries.

The President of the Chamber of Deputies outlined six priority areas for the Forum: global health, trade, climate change, artificial intelligence governance, international security, and the institutional strengthening of BRICS. The parliamentarian underscored the role of the New Development Bank (NDB), which has already financed sustainable projects, and proposed expanding the use of local currencies in trade transactions. "We must reduce costs and non-tariff barriers to foster trade among our countries," he stated.

Women discuss increased participation in the BRICS political agenda

Hugo Motta welcomed the prior convening of the BRICS Women's Meeting and reaffirmed the commitment to gender equality. "Parliamentary diplomacy plays a crucial role in translating decisions into concrete policies," he concluded, calling on legislators to build "a more just and sustainable world" through collective action.

Senator Leila Barros, leader of the Women's Caucus in the Senate, highlighted the critical challenges discussed in the women's panel at the 11th BRICS Parliamentary Forum, focusing on the impacts of artificial intelligence, climate change, and food insecurity on women. "Women, particularly those experiencing poverty, Black women, and young women, are the most vulnerable in these crises," she emphasized. The senator underscored the need for dedicated resources within the BRICS Bank to support programs in education, entrepreneurship, and women's digital inclusion. "We need a budget specifically allocated to women," she advocated, calling for increased female representation in decision-making forums. "It is unacceptable that, in the 21st century, we still have to fight for space," she stated, proposing that BRICS women's meetings be held annually to ensure continuity in discussions.

Justice Gilmar Mendes, of the Supreme Federal Court (STF), underscored the strategic significance of BRICS, which convened representatives from the Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary branches. He emphasized legal cooperation among member states, referencing agreements between the STF and China on artificial intelligence and anti-discrimination measures. "Just as our courts cooperate, our parliaments must strengthen this dialogue," he asserted, reaffirming the group's role as an alternative to the traditional financial order. The minister further highlighted the urgency of advancing discussions on global health, climate, and AI governance to foster "a more equitable global order."
The 11th BRICS Parliamentary Forum, which commenced on Tuesday, June 3, will continue until Thursday, June 5, featuring discussions aimed at producing a document with joint legislative proposals from participating countries.

Iran
Source: www.tehrantimes.com

TEHRAN - Iran’s central bank governor, Mohammad Reza Farzin, met with Dilma Rousseff, president of the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB), in Shanghai on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)'s finance summit, reaffirming Tehran’s intention to join the multilateral lender.

According to the Central Bank of Iran (CBI), the meeting followed Farzin’s participation in a gathering of finance ministers and central bank governors of the SCO in Beijing.

In the meeting, both sides emphasized the role of the NDB in advancing the interests of developing and emerging economies.

Farzin highlighted Iran’s active participation in global and regional financial institutions, including its membership on the IMF Executive Board and its leadership of a bloc of eight countries within the Fund.

He also pointed to Iran’s recent economic performance and its strategic geographic, natural, and human resources, as well as strong bilateral ties with BRICS founding members—Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa.

The Iranian official expressed Tehran’s readiness to deepen monetary and banking cooperation with BRICS members through the NDB framework.

Rousseff, the former president of Brazil, welcomed Iran’s economic potential, noting that Tehran’s entry would support the bank’s development goals.

She confirmed her favorable stance on Iran’s accession during BRICS decision-making sessions.
At the close of the meeting, Farzin invited Rousseff to attend the upcoming Asian Clearing Union summit scheduled to be held in Tehran.

The BRICS New Development Bank was established in 2014 by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa to finance infrastructure and sustainable development projects in member countries. Iran, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and Ethiopia officially joined BRICS in 2024, while other nations, including Turkey and Syria, have expressed interest in membership.

Together, BRICS countries account for 40 percent of global financial reserves, 25 percent of world trade, and 35.6 percent of global GDP, according to World Bank data.

South Africa
Source: iol.co.za

Iran is rapidly emerging as a renewable energy powerhouse, making bold strides in solar energy expansion that signal a transformative shift—not just for the country, but for the broader BRICS+ alliance. In the past Iranian year alone (ending March 2025), Iran added an impressive 600 megawatts (MW) of solar power to its national grid—four times the previous annual average. This surge represents a turning point for both Iran's energy policy and the global South's efforts to build energy resilience and independence.

Government-Led Push with Private Sector Vision

At the heart of this transformation is Iran’s Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Organisation (SATBA), which has launched an ambitious roadmap to install 5,000 MW of renewable capacity. Speaking on state television, SATBA’s deputy head, Alireza Parandeh Motlaq, explained that this push is aimed at addressing rising domestic electricity demands, particularly from households and industry. Although these solar plants are initially government-funded, the long-term plan is to hand them over to the private sector—ushering in a new era of green entrepreneurship.

In a parallel move, private investors are showing keen interest, submitting proposals to develop a staggering 38,000 MW in renewable energy capacity. This level of engagement from Iran’s private sector highlights a crucial shift: renewable energy is no longer just a state project—it’s an economic opportunity.

Smart Policies for a Greener Future

The new energy policy also includes regulatory incentives that reward industrial players for installing on-site renewable sources. Facilities that generate part of their own electricity using solar or other green technologies are now exempt from mandatory power cuts. Households, too, are being brought into the energy revolution. With rooftop solar panels, families can sell surplus electricity back to the government for roughly $0.074 per kilowatt-hour—a smart solution for citizens and the state alike.

Solar Expansion Across Provinces

The momentum is visible on the ground. In a recent milestone, SATBA launched 297 MW of solar projects across five provinces—Golestan, Bushehr, Fars, East Azarbaijan, and Kish Island. The rollout is part of a broader plan to construct 3,000 MW of capacity through modular 3-MW plants spread across 856 sites nationwide. The initial phase, backed by a substantial $96 billion government investment, demonstrates Tehran's commitment to decentralising energy access while strengthening the national grid.

Energy Minister Abbas Aliabadi confirmed that a further 500 MW boost is underway under the administration of President Masoud Pezeshkian. He assured the public that all new solar installations are on track and will soon begin feeding into Iran’s energy network.

A Strategic Win for BRICS+ Cooperation

This surge in renewable infrastructure is not just a domestic victory—it’s a strategic one for BRICS+. Iran’s expanding green energy sector dovetails with the bloc’s broader agenda to reduce dependence on Western-dominated energy markets and diversify sources of power across the Global South. With climate change intensifying and energy security becoming a critical concern, Iran's success could serve as a blueprint for other BRICS+ nations seeking sustainable growth without sacrificing sovereignty.

Iran’s renewable transformation opens new corridors for intra-bloc trade and technological cooperation. With international sanctions limiting Iran’s access to Western markets, collaboration with fellow BRICS+ members—especially China, Russia, and India—offers vital alternatives for importing components, financing projects, and sharing innovation.

Iran’s pivot to solar power is more than just a domestic policy shift—it is a diplomatic and economic statement. For BRICS+, it’s a beacon of what’s possible when emerging economies take charge of their energy futures. As the sun shines brighter over Iran’s solar fields, the Global South gains a powerful new symbol of self-reliance and shared progress.

China
Source: www.chinadaily.com.cn

Looking to diversify its economic, trade and financing links, the Latin American country of Colombia is setting its sights on Asia, and China in particular, and working to join both international groupings and programs like the Belt and Road Initiative.

As with many of its neighbors, Colombia's economy has long been closely aligned with the United States, but the broader regional trend to look further eastward has been visible for years. For Colombia, many of these efforts have recently crystallized.

President Gustavo Petro, who visited Beijing for the China-CELAC Forum, signed an agreement to join the Belt and Road Initiative, China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement on May 14. Earlier on May 5, Colombia's Acting Trade Minister Cielo Rusinque announced the country's decision to join the NDB during the Colombia & BRICS forum in Bogota. The forum was attended by ambassadors from Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Rusinque was joined by Colombian Congressman Alejandro Toro, who emphasized the bank's potential to help secure financing for essential sectors such as education and infrastructure.

While in China, Petro met with NDB head Dilma Rousseff and announced Colombia's plan to purchase $512 million in bank shares, according to an NDB release. He also expressed interest in using NDB funds to develop a 120-kilometre canal or railway linking the Atlantic and Pacific coasts.
"This process takes time and requires specific steps and approvals, making it still somewhat distant," said Alejandro Reyes González, chief economist at BBVA Research Colombia. "However, the country's opening to new markets and the attraction of financing sources, foreign investment, and infrastructure development capabilities will always be welcome".

The United States accounts for about 29 percent of Colombia's exports. While these links have helped stabilize the economy, they have also increased the country's exposure to US economic fluctuations.

"Greater openness, whether with Europe, Asia, or in this case, the BRICS, would be positive in achieving broader expansion and more balance in national trade," said González.

Colombia's push to join the BRICS is part of a broader regional trend that has been noticeable for decades to strengthen connections with other emerging economies, particularly in Asia. Colombia has actively pursued bilateral and regional trade agreements with Asian countries since 2008, most notably China but also South Korea and Japan.

This shift has also been visible through infrastructure projects involving China, including the Bogotá Metro Line 1, La Dorada-Chiriguaná Corridor Megaproject, and Buenaventura-Shanghai Maritime Route.

Colombia has significant interest in attracting investments from increasingly influential regions to minimize its dependency on the US.

In Colombia's case, the arrival of such investments has been slower, and it would certainly benefit from closer ties through a bloc like the BRICS, said González.

Expectations are high, given the country's significant investment needs and still-limited export sector.
At present, Colombia's investment rate stands at just 18.6 percent of GDP, limiting long-term growth. Natural resources, mainly coal and oil, made up 47 percent of Colombia's total exports in 2024.
"Any policy that helps strengthen investment and long-term growth would be a step in the right direction," said González.

The effort to join the NDB also aligns with broader regional shifts underway.

Many Latin American nations have reevaluated their ties to the US, particularly following the US administration's foreign aid cuts, trade barriers, deportations, and the slashing of 84 percent of USAID funding for Latin America.

"A bloc like this could offer a counterbalance to Western powers. There is no formal trade or economic agreement, only a commitment to economic, political, and financial cooperation. This could enable countries like ours, which are heavily dependent on the United States, to achieve diversification," said Felipe Campos, Investment and Strategy Manager at Alianza Fiduciaria - Alianza Valores.

The NDB, launched in July 2014, now includes 10 full members and nine partner countries, including Bolivia and Cuba. BRICS+ collectively represents 54.6 percent of the world's population and 42.2 percent of global GDP, according to IMF data from October 2024.

"We must carefully weigh the diplomatic cost and the potential long-term returns. The cost, especially diplomatic, would be immediate, while any benefits would only be realized over the medium to long term," said Campos.

The writer is a freelance journalist for China Daily.

Brazil
Source: brics.br

China’s Strategy and Its Interest in Brasil’s Rail Network

With its continental dimensions, Brasil is a country in need of fast, efficient transportation systems capable of handling large volumes. In this context, railway networks stand out as the most effective solutions. Trains, capable of transporting vast amounts of cargo and reaching speeds of up to 160 km/h, offer an environmentally friendly, cost-effective, and efficient alternative for both freight and passenger transport.

Railways represent a high-return investment for the Brazilian state, as they significantly enhance cargo transportation capacity, as projected for the West-East Integration Railway (FIOL). This project aims to connect the future Port of Ilhéus, on the coast of Bahia, to Figueirópolis, in Tocantins, with an estimated annual transport capacity of 18 million tons at the beginning of its operations, with a projection of 50 million tons within a decade. Beyond FIOL, railway integration projects among BRICS nations underscore the potential for railway investments, such as the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Moscow-Kazan High-Speed Railway.

Key Projects and Ongoing Partnerships

Considering Brasil's major commodity-producing regions, such as soybean and corn cultivation areas, the western region of Bahia and the southern region of Tocantins feature a railway system designed for fast, lower-cost transport routes, reducing transport costs by 30%, as outlined in the National Logistics Plan 2035. The West-East Integration Railway (FIOL), spanning approximately 1,700 kilometers, represents a strategic initiative by the Brazilian government for the transport of raw materials, with future prospects for integration into the Transoceanic Railway.

Funded by a US$50 billion Chinese investment, the Transoceanic Railway is a bold forward-looking initiative designed to connect the port of Chancay in Peru to Brazilian ports in Bahia. The partnership among Brasil, Peru, and China aims to enhance South America’s integration with the Asian market by reducing the export route to China by 10,000 kilometers, bypassing the Panama Canal through more direct corridors.

China’s investment in Brasil was made via the China–Brasil Fund for the Expansion of Production Capacity, a financing mechanism focused on infrastructure, logistics, and sustainable development. This initiative is one of many undertaken by China to promote trade and development across the Global South—also a key goal of the BRICS. By fostering commerce and generating employment, China’s railway efforts in Brasil also contribute to broader sustainable development objectives.

Economic Opportunities and Geopolitical Dilemmas

In addition to reducing export logistics costs for Brazilian commodities, railway investments have the potential to stimulate the domestic economy by increasing production demands and creating jobs. Improved transport connectivity also creates development opportunities in less industrialized regions, such as Acre and Tocantins, allowing them to enhance their infrastructure.

Despite the economic potential, several challenges remain—such as trilateral coordination among Brasil, Russia, and Peru concerning investment funds and early route planning, which initially included sections passing through the Amazon Rainforest. Coordinating this international railway project requires joint studies and logistics planning that serve the interests of all parties—no easy feat, given each country’s distinct priorities and railway infrastructure needs.

Environmental issues also remain a significant concern. Initial routes passed through ecologically sensitive areas, potentially causing severe damage to protected biomes. A revised route has since been proposed—running through Acre and Tocantins—but still presents complications due to its proximity to Indigenous territories, which may lead to future disruptions for local communities.

Outlook for Sustainable Development and Regional Integration

Despite the challenges, investments in rail infrastructure are widely viewed as promising. By reducing the cost of shipping goods from Brasil’s Central-West region to China, the new Pacific route will also cut logistics costs and deepen commercial ties between Brazil and China, according to Brasil’s National Transport and Logistics Observatory.

Aligned with the goals of the BRICS, railway investments are inherently tied to sustainable development, given that trains emit significantly fewer greenhouse gases—up to 83% less compared to road transport—and can carry more volume per square meter, according to the National Land Transport Agency.

With cutting-edge technology and operational expertise, Chinese companies are looking to support railway development while expanding cooperation between the two nations, boosting demand and job creation in both economies. Rail transport emerges as a viable, cost-effective, and lower-impact solution compared to the country’s current road-dominated logistics model.

Railway investments stand out not only for their numerous benefits but also for initiating a strategic partnership aimed at fostering cooperation among countries of the Global South. The shared goal is development—strengthening the BRICS’ presence on the continent and amplifying its voice in global affairs. By building bridges and linking regions, BRICS plays a key role in the geopolitical South and continues to solidify its relevance on the world stage.

» References

• _{ANTF – Associação Nacional dos Transportadores Ferroviários. Por que o Brasil vai bem de trem. Brasília, 2024. Available at: https://www.antf.org.br/por-que-o-brasil-vai-bem-de-trem. Accessed on: May 13 2025;}
• _{ANTT – Agência Nacional de Transportes Terrestres. Corredor Leste-Oeste (FIOL). Brasília, 2024. Available at: https://www.gov.br/antt/pt-br/assuntos/ferrovias/novos-projetos-ferroviarios/Corredor%20Leste-Oeste. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{Agência Brasil. Fundo Brasil-China começa a operar com US$20 bilhões. Brasília: EBC, 2017. Available at: https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/economia/noticia/2017-06/fundo-brasil-china-comeca-o-operar-com-us-20-bilhoes. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{Agência de Notícias BNDES. BNDES e Claifund ampliarão investimentos no país com retomada do Fundo Brasil-China. Rio de Janeiro: BNDES, 2024. Available at: https://agenciadenoticias.bndes.gov.br/detalhe/noticia/BNDES-e-Claifund-ampliarao-investimentos-no-pais-com-retomada-do-Fundo-Brasil-China. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{BRASIL. Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Documentos assinados durante a visita oficial do primeiro-ministro da República Popular da China Li Keqiang ao Brasil. Brasília: MRE, 2015. Available at: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/canais_atendimento/imprensa/notas-a-imprensa/documentos-assinados-durante-a-visita-oficial-do-primeiro-ministro-da-republica-popular-da-china-li-keqiang-ao-brasil-brasilia-e-rio-de-janeiro-19-de-maio-de-2015. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{BRASIL. Ministério do Desenvolvimento, Indústria, Comércio e Serviços. Fundo Brasil-China. Brasília, 2024. Available at: https://www.gov.br/mdic/pt-br/assuntos/assuntos-economicos-internacionais/fundo-brasil-china. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{BRASIL. Ministério do Planejamento e Orçamento. Projeto Rotas de Integração Sul-Americana – Relatório 2024. Brasília: MPO, 2024. Available at: https://www.gov.br/planejamento/pt-br/assuntos/articulacao-institucional/rotas-de-integracao/relatorio-2024-rotas-de-integracao.pdf. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{BRASIL. Ministério dos Transportes. Brasil e China serão parceiros em projetos ferroviários. Brasília, 2015. Available at: https://www.gov.br/transportes/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/ultimas-noticias/brasil-e-china-serao-parceiros-em-projetos-ferroviarios. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{BRICS. Relatório do Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento – Resultados de Desenvolvimento 2024. Xangai: NDB, 2024. Available at: https://www.ndb.int/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/First-Edition_-Report-on-NDBs-Development-Results_Lens_PT.pdf. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{CHINA. State Administration of Foreign Exchange. China-LAC Industrial Cooperation Investment Fund launched. Pequim, 2017. Available at: https://www.safe.gov.cn/en/2017/0602/1270.html. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{EPL – Empresa de Planejamento e Logística. Observatório Nacional de Transporte e Logística – Dados sobre Rotas Bioceânicas. Brasília, 2024. Available at: https://www.gov.br/planejamento/pt-br/assuntos/articulacao-institucional/rotas-de-integracao/relatorio-2024-rotas-de-integracao.pdf. Accessed on: May 13, 2025;}
• _{IPEA – Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. Estudo sobre o Porto de Chancay e a Integração Logística Regional. Brasília: IPEA, 2024. Available at: https://repositorio.ipea.gov.br/bitstream/11058/17143/3/BEPI_40_Artigo_6.pdf. Accessed on: May 13, 2025.}
• _{Strengthening Connectivity: Economic Corridors in a Multipolar World. Available at: https://infobrics.org/post/40991/news/analysis/news/bankbrics/. Accessed on: May 13, 2025.}
• _{TOSCANI, Giorgio. The BRICS and the Infrastructures' Policy. Moscou: National Committee on BRICS Research, 22 jun. 2018. Available at: https://www.nkibrics.ru/posts/show/5b2cd7326272690531120000. Accessed on: May 13, 2025.}

English version: Kelvis Santiago do Nascimento/ UFC/ POET
Proofreading by: Michel Emmanuel Félix François/ UFC/ POET

Opinion articles published in this space are the sole responsibility of their authors and do not reflect the official position of the Brazilian BRICS presidency or the Brazilian government. These independent opinions are intended to promote a pluralistic debate on issues relevant to the Global South agenda.

Russia
Source: eng.globalaffairs.ru

Missing Voices is an initiative from NSI that examines the unfolding crisis of the liberal international order through voices often sidelined in mainstream debate. In this first interview of the new series, Jelena Vidojevic sits down with Sergey Karaganov to trace the roots of Western decline and explore how a post‐Western, multipolar world is taking shape.

Karaganov draws on decades of experience leading Russia’s Council for Foreign and Defense Policy and serving on international advisory boards to argue that the liberal order began cracking as early as World War I and accelerated through decolonisation, nuclear deterrence and the collapse of the Soviet Union. He discusses why existing institutions like the UN and IMF no longer match today’s realities, proposes building parallel frameworks within BRICS and the SCO, and reflects on Russia’s ‘rediscovery’ of the World Majority in the wake of its Special Military Operation in Ukraine.
We invite you to read the full conversation below.

Jelena Vidojević: There is widespread agreement that the liberal international order is in crisis. However, there is less consensus on the principal causes of this crisis or the early warning signs that indicated that the ‘Western model is broken’. What were these early indicators, and what factors have contributed most to the current turbulence?

Sergey Karaganov: We can say that, until the 16th century, the world was multipolar, but after the 16th and 17th centuries it became Western-centric. Western military superiority served as the basis for a system of Western, at that time European, cultural and political colonialism and economic dominance. When colonialism began to crumble, it was replaced by neocolonialism, also called a liberal globalist system. But neocolonialism kept crumbling, too, because its foundation has been constantly cracking.

The crisis of the liberal international order, or rather the West’s crisis, began more than a hundred years ago, after the West had unleashed a monstrous world war (World War I) against itself. It shook many norms and foundations of Western society. Oswald Spengler described this quite eloquently in his book “The Decline of the West,” which sometimes is called “The Decline of Europe.” .

In the early 1920s Russia, which became the Soviet Union, broke away from the Western system and started, among other things, supporting anti-colonial and national liberation movements. But that period was not yet associated with the crisis of the Western and liberal systems, although it coincided with the deepest crisis of the 1930s and World War II, which were also largely caused by contradictions within the West.

A new phase began in the 1950s and 60s, when the Soviet Union, not being fully aware of the consequences of its actions but worrying about its own security, created nuclear weapons and knocked out the foundation from the 500-year-old Western dominance in the international system. This foundation had rested on Europe’s/the West’s military-technical and military-organisational superiority.

In the 1960s, the West started losing wars, and decolonisation began. The West was no longer able to impose its will by force. The Korean War was lost, as was the French war in Vietnam, followed by the United States’ defeat in Vietnam, and the oil embargo.

Structural contradictions began to pile up in the West, and especially in Europe. Europe was stagnating from the late 1960s, and in the 1970s and 80s, it seemed that the West had fallen into decline. But then the Soviet Union collapsed and stopped playing its role as a competitor to the Western systems of global domination. The West rejoiced and forgot about its problems, especially since it received a powerful boost from one and a half to two billion low-paid workers from and huge markets that had opened up for it in Russia, Central and Eastern Europe and, of course, China.
But in the 2000s, realising that it would not be able to integrate into the Western system on acceptable, sovereign, terms, Russia decided to restore its military strength. and it did. The liberal international order slid into a new crisis which coincided with the moral degradation of Western capitalism which had been founded on certain ethical, primarily Protestant, Christian values. A model based on endless enrichment and ever-growing consumption prevailed, thus damaging the very fabric of life – planet Earth.

Russia to some extent was probably the key to the liberal order crisis, but I am sure that neither Soviet nor Russian leaders fully understood what they were actually doing. They worried about the country’s security and, driven by traditional Russian internationalism, supported anti-colonial movements and countries that were called the “Third World” at that time. Let me say this again: an acute crisis broke out a long time ago, its most acute phase began in the 1970s/80s, but this was interrupted by a temporary victory of the Western model, after which the crisis accelerated and has since been gaining momentum.

JV: What do you see as the defining characteristics of the emerging “post-Western” world? How will power dynamics, economic structures, and geopolitical alliances change in this new era? Additionally, do you believe the existing global governance institutions will remain relevant, or will they need to be reformed—or even replaced—to reflect the shifting balance of power?

SK: There are two answers to your question.

First, the existing global governance institutions are clearly inadequate for the most part. This primarily applies to the IMF, the World Bank, and to a large extent to UN-related institutions. So we need to think about how to replace them and with what. But there is no need to destroy them prematurely, which would only add to the chaos.

My simple recipe for now is that we should create parallel institutions within the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation), BRICS, the World Majority, as we prefer to call the Global South, while also engaging willing participants in the West on some key international development issues. These include, for example, the consequences of climatic changes and man-made disasters, food shortages, epidemics, and the spread of bioweapons. I can name many more issues that require immediate attention, but which cannot be solved within the existing system.

But again, we should not immediately scrap the entire UN system. We may need UN institutions again, perhaps in 15 to 20 or more years from now, if we do not slide into a big world war. The main problem of the UN is not its Charter, but the fact that over the past several decades, due to a number of circumstances, primarily the location of its headquarters in New York, Geneva, and Vienna, it has become saddled by officials from Western countries or officials who align themselves with the West and not with the World Majority.

Nevertheless, although this system is weakening and becoming less and less legitimate, it should not be destroyed. Instead, parallel systems should be created.

Secondly, about the defining characteristics of the new world order. I’m not clairvoyant, of course. But it is quite clear to me that after a long period (I think it will last 10 to 15 years, even though it is almost impossible to predict now) we will see a multipolar and fairly free world where nations and civilisations can flourish, with no hegemonies around, since the old ones will step aside, and new ones will have no chance to emerge. That’s why I really like that world. I may not live to see it, but that’s another matter. It won’t be pro-Western. It will be free, I hope.
But freedom is a very expensive commodity, and we will have to pay for it. To achieve it, we will have to work hard. This is why all countries, peoples, and every person need to try to go through this turbulent period as smoothly as possible to prevent the world from sliding into a large-scale war and avoid the disintegration of nations. This is quite a difficult period, but this is something to think about.
JV: How has the SMO (Special Military Operation) in Ukraine served as a turning point for Russia—not only in its engagement with the West but, more significantly, in its “rediscovery” of the Global South, or what you and your colleagues refer to as the “World Majority”?
SK: The SMO – in fact, a war with the West in Ukraine – has significantly affected all aspects of Russia’s politics. This operation has accelerated the eastward shift in the Russian economy and Russian foreign-policy thinking. Trade turnover with China, India, and other Asian countries has increased sharply. Trade with Africa is recovering. It is also very important that Russia’s ongoing turn towards the World Majority has sped up dramatically. Russia has finally realised that this is where the future sources of growth and the most promising partners are.

But this turn to the World Majority was conceived and commenced long before the SMO. We wrote and talked about it several years before it. A few years ago, my colleagues and I released a report on the new policy towards the World Majority, and five or six years before that, a report on the new policy towards Africa. So we were prepared. And now objective circumstances are fast-tracking our alignment with the World Majority. Moreover, Russia is beginning to recognise at last, that we are part of this majority, we are its military-strategic core and foundation. We were not among the colonial powers.

The Soviet Union actively advocated liberation from colonialism and neocolonialism, and by undermining the West’s military superiority, we began to free the World Majority from the old West’s domination. In addition, in Russia, we see growing interest in the culture of the Eastern, Latin American, and African countries, and people-to-people contacts are expanding, which is very encouraging. We are going back to the very good Russian tradition of high internationalism, and cultural, religious and ethnic openness. Let me remind you that in the 18th century we were almost the only country where an ethnic Ethiopian had the rank of general. He was a beloved associate and disciple of Peter the Great. Russia’s greatest poet, Pushkin (and we say that Pushkin is our everything, the founder of the modern Russian literary language), was the grandson of this native of Africa.

The SMO has had a positive impact on domestic policy in Russia and on our economy. I dare say that these internal changes, spurred by this military operation, were one of its main goals, apart, of course, from stopping NATO’s eastward expansion, which risked an inevitable world war. The economy, which was previously nearly stagnating, is now growing more quickly. We are investing in science, especially the technical sciences, again.

The war is helping cleanse the Russian elite and society of Westernism and Western centrism, which have become a sign of backwardness. Western sanctions are helping us get rid of the comprador bourgeoisie and its intellectual servants. There is perhaps an even more important result: Russia is returning to its “true self”. It is experiencing a moral and spiritual upsurge. In other words, we are in a state of multidimensional economic, cultural, and spiritual Renaissance. It is so regrettable, of course, that we have to pay for this revival with the blood of our best sons. But we shall win. This revival will stay with us, as will the shift towards the East and the Global South, especially since we constantly emphasise that we are the military-political core of this World Majority.

We are liberating the World Majority from the Western yoke.

JV: One of the key revelations at the outset of the war in Ukraine was the depth of “Russia-related anxieties” among European elites—and, to some extent, the public. To what extent do you see these concerns as historically ingrained, rooted in long-standing geopolitical narratives? Or is it a reaction to more recent events and strategic developments? Given the current tensions, do you see a realistic pathway for Russia to normalise relations with most of the West in the mid-term, or have the fractures become too deep for reconciliation in the foreseeable future?

SK: Russophobia has always been very strong, particularly in Europe and to a lesser extent in the United States. It was a kind of racism, although the Slavs are similar in skin color to Romano-Germans. It was cultural racism, a sense of some superiority, because at a certain point in history, due to the Mongol invasion, Russia lagged in technological development. But the main reason for this Russophobia was the fact that Russia had always won its battles with Europe.

We fought wars with Europe for about eight centuries and always came out victorious. Particularly traumatic for all of Europe was its defeat by Russia in World War II, which we call the Great Patriotic War. Almost all European countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia and Greece, supplied weapons, equipment, and food to the German army. Moreover, almost all European countries provided soldiers. Tens of thousands of Italians, tens of thousands of Romanians, and even the French fought against us. Up to a quarter, if not a third, of the German Wehrmacht and the SS were non-German Europeans.

We say that we defeated German fascism in 1945, but in reality, it was a victory over Europe. Back then, out of generosity and due to euphoria from the victory, we were saying that we had won together with the Allies. It is true, we defeated continental Europe together with the Americans and the Brits.

But now the muddy waves of Russophobia are rising in Europe again. Another and much deeper reason for the current wave of hatred is that the present European elites are losing on all fronts. Inequality is increasing, the economy is slowing down, and the so-called “green agenda” that Europeans imposed on the world for their own benefit has failed. European societies are sinking into deep moral corruption, which makes them “outcasts” for most other nations. I am referring to all these newest very strange post-human or anti-human values ​​that have sprung up in European societies and which they have been trying to impose on other countries. These include ultra feminism, LGBT culture, denial of history, transhumanism, and so on.

To this I must add a dramatic rise in inequality, the decline of the middle class across Europe over the past 30 years, and the monstrous and evil mistake made by the European elites, who, seeking to undermine trade unions and lower the cost of their own labour, let in several waves of migrants in the 1960s and now cannot cope with them. To cover up these continuous failures and legitimise their power (they should have been thrown out of power), they have been whipping up the fear of military threat from Russia for more than 10 years.

Now this fear of military threat is turning into nothing short of military hysteria. Europeans are being prepared for war, which is really shocking for us and all normal people. For the third time in a little over a hundred years, they are pushing themselves towards suicide. We must remember that Europe is a source of all of humankind’s troubles, including two world wars. They have learned nothing and once again are heading for a new world war. I hope that Russia will be able to stop the world from gambling with a third world war and rein in these elites. But there is a tough road ahead.

JV: We are currently witnessing what appears to be a growing divide within the West regarding its approach to Russia and the future of the war in Ukraine. Paradoxically, it is the USA that has shown a greater willingness to explore the possibility of negotiations or a peace settlement with Russia, while many EU leaders remain, at best, hesitant and, at worst, outright resistant to such discussions. What do you believe is driving this divergence in strategy? Is it a reflection of differing geopolitical priorities, economic interests, or internal political pressures within the USA and the EU? And what implications might this split have for the future of Western cohesion in addressing the conflict?

SK: The differences between European and American elites are obvious, and they are growing. At the beginning of this war, the American and European elites generally pursued identical interests. The Americans hoped to ruin Russia as a strategic adversary. Europeans wanted more to win the war and thus justify their existence or at least distract their societies from internal problems. But, as they have come to realise over the years that they cannot win this war, differences between the American and European elites began to emerge.

First and foremost, Russia has not only put up stiff resistance to NATO’s aggression in Ukraine, but it has also indicated that if this aggression continues, sooner or later it will force Russia to use nuclear weapons against targets in Europe. Americans are changing their mind because they do not need a nuclear war in Europe. They understand what a nuclear war is like. They began to retreat already under Biden, although Biden adhered to extremely aggressive rhetoric. But even under his administration, military assistance to Ukraine began to decrease here and there. 

For Europeans, the situation is much more complicated. While the Americans understand the danger of nuclear war and do not want it, the European elites have lost their senses.

They live in a cloud of “strategic parasitism”, they have lost the fear of war and responsibility to their peoples. So losing everything along the way, they are pushing their countries towards war, despite the risk of self-destruction.

In addition, the Americans have already achieved very important goals in this war. One of the goals was to prevent close alignment between Russia and Europe. They have been pursuing this goal since the 2000s when the Ukrainian card was played for the first time and the first coup d’etat took place in Ukraine. The country was turned into a source of constant tension. The Americans had succeeded. In the early 2000s, Russian and many European leaders spoke about creating a single continental economic, political, and security space. The Americans did not want that. So they did their best to make sure that no such space could be created in the foreseeable future.

Also, one of the Americans’ goals in unleashing this war in Ukraine was to increase their ability to rob Europe. America is losing the opportunity to rob the World Majority because the World Majority is becoming more independent as the United States becomes relatively weaker. So the USA makes up for this waning opportunity to plunder the World Majority by pulling off a daring robbery of Europe. Because of the war and all these super sanctions, because Europe has undercut its competitive advantages by rejecting Russian gas and Russian resources, the Americans are now both syphoning off European money and drawing European industry over to the United States. So the Americans have already won this war, but only against Europe.

Now they would like to make a deal with Russia to somehow end this conflict and prevent it from escalating to the level of nuclear war. But the Europeans have gone berserk and are running amok straight into the abyss.

JV: In the report you co-authored, “Russia’s Policy Towards the World Majority”, BRICS and, to some extent, the SCO, are described as “the vanguard of the World Majority… with the potential to make rules, set standards, conduct policies, and create institutional alternatives to Western ones.” How do you respond to criticism, particularly from the far left, that BRICS is merely a platform for advancing national elites within global power structures rather than driving structural social transformation?

SK: Russia views the development of BRICS and the SCO as a way to prevent a complete collapse of the international system’s governability. Old institutions dominated by the West are dying away. The UN system has become very weak, it fails to perform most of its functions, and it is saddled by representatives of Western elites or pro-Western officials. I believe we should create parallel systems for the long period during which we will be establishing a new balance of power and a new institutional system, or restoring some elements of the old one.

Indeed, Russia has so far not proposed an alternative socio-economic model for international development. I believe that the criticism you mentioned is quite appropriate. This is a very difficult and complex issue, which we should address jointly with you.

I agree that modern globalist liberal capitalism has outlived its relative usefulness and is now outright harmful, firstly to nature, since it is based on ever-growing consumption, and secondly, due to the emphasis on endless consumption, the total transformation of people into consuming animals. The pursuit of profit and the information revolution are beginning to destroy the human himself. We need to work together with thinkers from the World Majority and with progressive intellectuals in the West to start devising an alternative model of development and try to implement it.

I believe that Russia is not active enough in this respect, and this is our weakness. I raised this question with our President when I talked with him at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum last year. I know that something is underway, but we need to work together on this. This should involve not only “left-wing” forces but also politicians and scientists who feel their responsibility for the future of humanity. The current model of capitalism is leading humankind to a dead end.

JV: What role does South Africa play in Russia’s broader foreign policy strategy? Additionally, to what extent do economic, political, and security considerations shape Russia’s engagement with South Africa, and how do you see this relationship evolving in the coming years?

SK: We see that our relations with South Africa are developing positively, we consider it a promising partner. Trade turnover is growing, and human contacts are expanding. We stand together on most international political issues, and we build BRICS together, so the only option is to go forward.
Perhaps we should pay more attention to the development of human, scientific, and educational ties. I know that more and more Russian students study in South Africa. We need to make additional effort to attract as many students as possible from South Africa and other African countries to study in Russia. Russia is a very agreeable country for Africans because there is no racism here. Some may feel that way, of course, but in principle, racism is alien to the Russian national character. I think that our African friends will feel very comfortable here, as did tens of thousands of African students who studied in the then Soviet Union, and who now probably make up the core of the friendly relationships we are building with African countries.

JV: How do you assess the long-term viability of Russia’s alignment with China, and what risks might such partnership pose?

SK: Russia and China are informal allies. We complement each other in many ways. The Chinese have a surplus of labour, and we have huge resources. We also share a very long border, and the good relationship we have built over the last decades has improved our security immensely on both sides of the border. We have sharply reduced the number of troops on the border and China has done the same. It has almost no large military contingents in the north. But this is not the most important thing.

Russia and China are cooperating very closely in the economic field. Ourselves and our Chinese friends are also working on a future international development model, which is still in its very early formative stage. Finally, the fact that Russia and China are de facto allies doubles the combined strategic power of each country.

It is difficult to imagine how China could have resisted pressure from the United States and the West if it did not have Russia’s strategic power behind it. China and its economic power have greatly helped, are helping now and will help us in our confrontation with Europe. Russian and Chinese leaders have improved relations between the two countries after their thoughtless deterioration between the 1960s and 1980s. God helped us by striking our Western neighbours, especially the Americans, with insanity. By simultaneously putting pressure on China and Russia, they have pushed the two friendly countries into an alliance, dramatically increasing the potential power of each of us alone, as well as our combined power.

Needless to say, there is a huge imbalance between Russia and China in terms of economic power. This causes some concern among some of our politicians and in society, but we are not worried that this imbalance will affect our relations now or in the foreseeable future.

Beijing is very careful in terms of Chinese labour migration to our country. There are many Chinese students and businessmen here, but there are practically no Chinese workers. About 15 years ago, we did special research and found out that there were not millions of Chinese in Russia, as the West had claimed in a bid to sow discord between our countries. There were actually fewer of them than there were Germans with German passports here. Today there are not as many Germans here, of course, but still there are very few Chinese in our country, and I would even like to see more of them here because of their cuisine. But we will have to think quite seriously about this imbalance in the long run.

With this imbalance in mind, we, and I, too, proposed the Greater Eurasia concept about seven or eight years ago. At first, our Chinese friends were a little jealous of this concept, but now we are building the Greater Eurasian Partnership together. The Greater Eurasian Partnership implies a system of cooperation, development and security for all of Eurasia, and at some point, perhaps even a system of security or soft security in the areas of food, medicine, response to natural and man-made disasters, and in the transport sector.

But this concept has an even deeper meaning. The Greater Eurasia concept implies that China, the undisputed leader in Eurasia, will be counterbalanced by other rising great powers standing alongside it such as Indonesia, then India, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and, finally, Russia. So no one will fear China’s hegemony. It was difficult for our Chinese friends to admit at first that this kind of counterbalancing was necessary. But now they understand that it is much better for them to be the first among equals than a hegemony everyone is afraid of. Well, we shall see what will happen in the next 10 to 15 years.

I think that our policy is aimed, on the one hand, at preventing the emergence of any threat from China, and on the other, at strengthening our relationship at all possible levels and making it the backbone of Greater Eurasia. Naturally, this backbone will sooner or later need the third support, India, and then the fourth and the fifth ones, that is, Iran and Arab countries. And then the center of the world will return to where it should be, to a great and peaceful Greater Eurasia. I am very happy and proud that I coined this term.

Brazil
Source: brics.br

The push for deeper cooperation, the exchange of best practices, and the promotion of innovation in technical and vocational education were the driving themes of the BRICS Alliance for TVET (Technical and Vocational Education and Training) Cooperation (BRICS-TCA) meeting held Monday in Brasilia. The event convened officials from BRICS countries, who seized the opportunity to share experiences and engage in dialogue focused on consolidating and forging institutional partnerships within the bloc.

The session was moderated by Francisco Figueiredo de Souza, special advisor for international affairs at the Ministry of Education and coordinator of the BRICS Education working group. Souza emphasized the alliance’s importance in establishing “a multilateral platform for the exchange of policy experiences and best practices, encouraging direct cooperation among TVET networks and institutions.” He also noted that vocational and technical education has been given a prominent place in the week’s schedule, which culminates on June 5 with the BRICS Education Ministers’ Meeting at the Itamaraty Palace—one of the signature events of Brasil’s rotating presidency.

“These ongoing initiatives show the growing institutionalization of TVET cooperation within BRICS and highlight the alliance’s role as a catalyst for innovation and policy exchange in the field of vocational education,” Souza said. Past initiatives under the alliance include conferences, online training courses for teachers, and student exchanges among BRICS nations.

Since its creation in 2022, the alliance has reaffirmed the central role of vocational education in national socioeconomic development—particularly in a time of rapid change in the world of work. Marcelo Bregagnoli, Secretary for Vocational and Technical Education at Brasil’s Ministry of Education, emphasized this point in his remarks, calling the diversity within BRICS “a source of strength that enriches the spirit of collaboration and innovation that binds us.” “By sharing best practices and innovative experiences, we can collectively build more inclusive and sustainable pathways, aligned with both the present and future demands of the labor market,” he added.

Bregagnoli outlined three key challenges that should guide the alliance moving forward, according to Brasil’s rotating presidency:

• ensuring high-quality education that fosters the social and economic inclusion of youth;
• reinforcing the importance of TVET for the socioeconomic development of BRICS countries;
• and integrating new technologies and innovative practices into technical training programs.

During the discussion, participants were invited to share their experiences in advancing vocational and technical education, framed around three central themes: access, retention, and success of young people in TVET; the role of vocational education in national development; and innovation.

Secretary Marcelo Bregagnoli highlighted the policies developed under the Ministry of Education and recalled the significance of the Federal Network for Professional, Scientific and Technological Education, established in 2008 by then-President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva through Brazilian Federal Law No. 11,892.

International partnership

BRICS representatives were invited to share their national experiences and encouraged to exchange ideas with Brazilian authorities. Zhai Jinming, Director of Professional Education Cooperation at the China Education Association for International Exchange (CEAIE), stated that China seeks to expand this global cooperation and that “communication between China and Brasil is becoming increasingly close, particularly in the context of expanding and deepening industrial cooperation.” He added, “I believe the friendly relationship between China and Brasil will endure and grow stronger in the years ahead. The TCA, as you can see, is also continuing to expand.”

According to the Chinese delegate, the BRICS-TCA has played a significant role in advancing cooperation in vocational education among member states through teacher and student exchanges, joint research initiatives, and training programs—particularly in teacher training. “I believe the scope of this cooperation will continue to grow, and that exchanges and partnerships will deepen, because vocational and technical education is vital for young people, for employability, and for the social and economic development of all countries,” Jinming concluded.

He added that the Alliance is poised to contribute meaningfully contribution to vocational and technical education (TVET) globally, particularly in support of the Global South, emerging economies, and other nations. The meeting also included delegates from Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Russia, South Africa, and the United Arab Emirates.

Agenda

The BRICS education agenda continues throughout the week. On Tuesday, June 3, a seminar for leaders of vocational and technical education institutions from BRICS countries will be held at the headquarters of Brasil’s Ministry of Education (MEC). The program includes discussions on social inclusion, national development, and employability in vocational education. Also on the same day, the 3rd Meeting of senior BRICS education officials is scheduled to take place at Serpro.

On June 4, international delegates will visit the Riacho Fundo campus of the Federal Institute of Brasilia (IFB) for a technical tour. Students from the culinary arts technical program, the undergraduate gastronomy program, and the English language teaching program will share their experiences and deliver hands-on demonstrations for the BRICS delegations.

On June 5, Brasil’s Education Minister Camilo Santana will host the 12th Meeting of BRICS Ministers of Education. The gathering will review Brasil’s priorities for educational cooperation within the group in 2025.

In addition to the BRICS education ministers, the agenda will include the participation of Kátia Schweickardt, Secretary for Basic Education; Marcelo Bregagnoli, Secretary for Technical and Vocational Education; Marcus Vinicius David, Secretary for Higher Education; Manuel Palácios, President of the National Institute for Educational Studies and Research (Inep); and other senior education officials from Brasil.

The week’s activities will conclude on June 6 and 7 with the BRICS University Presidents Forum, to be held in Rio de Janeiro.

English version: Judas Tadeu de Azevedo Neto (UFC)
Proofreading: Luana Ferreira de Freitas (POET/UFC)

Brazil
Source: brics.br

Recognizing themselves as part of the Global South and committing to active cooperation towards a fairer, more sustainable, and multipolar future is essential for youth engagement in the BRICS discussions. This approach has been the driving force behind the « Thematic Regional Seminars: Youth and BRICS », held in May.

With over two thousand registrations, the seminars—organized by the National Secretariat for Youth and the National Youth Council—provided a platform for discussions on key topics, including sustainability, health, sports, technology, and education, among others. The initiative was structured across five editions, encompassing all Brazilian regions.

The meetings were held in a virtual format to promote broader and more democratic youth participation. In this context, they contributed to strengthening national connections among Brazilian youth interested in Global South issues, while also fostering international engagement between young people from member and partner countries.

To access the debates, the recorded sessions can be retrieved via this link.

“This initiative was particularly significant as it enabled a structured listening process while fostering meaningful networking among young researchers and local leaders interested in deepening their understanding of BRICS operations. Furthermore, it served as a valuable platform for exchanging experiences and learning from initiatives developed by other BRICS countries," emphasized Nilson Florentino Júnior, who represents the National Secretariat for Youth within BRICS.

The election of regional representatives for the Summit, the strengthening of Brasil's BRICS presidency priorities — including the promotion of social participation within the People-to-People (P2P) pillar — and the enhancement of the final document set to be signed by the Youth Ministers next week were among the key objectives achieved throughout the meetings. The "Thematic Regional Seminars: Youth and BRICS" also marked the first formal participation of the newly integrated member countries in youth-related processes within the bloc. Ethiopia, Egypt, Indonesia, and the United Arab Emirates were among the thematic coordinators.

Brazil
Source: brics.br

The BRICS Ministers of Communications approved on Monday 2 June the Ministerial Declaration of Cooperation in Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs). The document explicitly addresses the sustainability of outer space. An annex was also produced on the importance of fair access to space for countries, to enable communication, exploration and related scientific activities. The meeting took place at the Itamaraty Palace in Brasilia.

“Advances in space sustainability is possibly the greatest achievement of the Brazilian presidency. There are a number of dimensions to space sustainability, which is internationally coordinated by various United Nations agencies. In the specific case of telecommunications, which involves the use of radio frequencies and the occupation of orbital positions, the competence lies with the ITU—the International Telecommunication Union”, ICT working group chair Daniel Cavalcanti stated in a press conference.

“For 40 years, the ITU has carried out very efficient and highly successful regulation of the so-called geostationary orbits, or geostationary satellites. In the past, geostationary satellites were launched one at a time, but in recent years, constellations of non-geostationary satellites are being launched by the hundreds. A single rocket can sometimes launch over a hundred non-geostationary satellites. But the reality is that the ITU does not have a clearly defined mandate to regulate this specific environment of non-geostationary satellites,” he added.

Geostationary and non-geostationary orbits differ in their movement relative to Earth, orbit duration, and altitude. The former appear static because they align with Earth’s rotation, lasting 24 hours and remaining at a stable distance from the ground. The latter are much faster, can last several minutes, appear to move across the sky, and vary in altitude. Both mechanisms are used for communication, internet, TV broadcasting, and meteorology.

A practical example to understand the difference between the two types of satellites is Starlink’s well-known, non-geostationary satellite internet. Since these satellites are closer to Earth, the connection tends to be faster. However, the lack of regulation for this type of satellite creates inequality in the use of space, which is considered a limited resource.

“BRICS has come to an agreement on the importance of reinforcing the ITU’s role in the area of non-geostationary satellites, with a specific mandate addressing the matter. The goal is to avoid a scenario in which space, which is a common good as an environment used for communication, would be occupied on a ‘first come, first served’ basis. [We want] this to be done in a fair and organized fashion, allowing all to benefit from this resource,” Cavalcanti explained.

BRICS’s annex on space sustainability invites member countries to support the international regulatory efforts deployed by the ITU and other United Nations organizations on the issue. It also recommends sharing information on national regulations and calls for the joint development of tools and research, such as studies using Artificial Intelligence (AI) to optimize the management of space connectivity resources.

“It can be difficult to define clear geographical areas may, which is why it would be extremely useful to create this kind of ideologies and cooperative dialogues. And this is something that all countries are doing. The race to space is in full bloom, we observe a lot of space debris, and signal interference is happening. Coordinating all this is therefore becoming a top priority,” commented Pemmasani Chandra Sekhar, India’s Minister of Communications, in an exclusive interview with BRICS Brasil.
The financial aspect was also highlighted as central to Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) by the interim Minister of Communications, Sonia Faustino. “Information and communication technologies—ICTs— and digital topics broadly speaking are central to today’s economy. This explains why they are also at the center of many international negotiation processes in various arenas and forums, such as artificial intelligence and cybersecurity,” she stated during the opening of the ministerial meeting that was held at the Itamaraty Palace.

Universal Connectivity

As a legacy of the discussions held under Brasil’s G20 presidency, the Communications Working Group further detailed actions to promote “meaningful connectivity.” The term refers to a safe, positive, productive and accessible online experience for all.

“So we agreed on indicators in the G20 and we started measuring. Each country has its own statistical institutions that collect data on connectivity. But it is important to highlight that there are additional elements of meaningful connectivity that need measuring. And Brasil does this very competently through CETIC-BR,” the ICT’s working group chair explained.

These indicators show a “gap” between so-called “nominal” connectivity and actual connectivity, the real indicator. “Beyond quality, affordability, adequate devices, safety and digital skills, in order to effectively participate in this digital transformation, one needs these additional elements of meaningful connectivity. This is why a report was produced. It provides a snapshot of where each country stands at present, with a focus on the application of meaningful connectivity indicators in Brasil to serve as a benchmark,” Cavalcanti added.

“I would say that the issue of meaningful connectivity is particularly important, because Brasil has created a specific way to create this meaningful connectivity—a scoring mechanism based on service quality, affordability, and availability. So creating this scoreboard really takes the issue to the next level,” the Indian minister pointed out. According to the Declaration, among the points to be considered for this measurement are the lack of funding and of affordability.

Expanding the debate

The Ministers of Communications’ Declaration also approved the creation of two new Study Groups related to ICTs: Future Networks and Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI).

The first was proposed as early as 2019, also under the Brazilian presidency of BRICS. Its aim is to maintain contact and research cooperation in the field of telecommunications among member countries. Brasil designated the Telecommunications Research and Development Center (CPQD) as the body responsible for this topic. However, other member countries requested more time to assess the most appropriate agency. Thus, it was only this year that the new mechanism finalized, once again under Brasil’s presidency.

As for DPI, it concerns public digital platforms, such as gov.br and the payment system PIX. The idea is for this working group to share experiences related to the implementation and governance of digital public goods.

English version Enora Lessinger (POET/UFC)
Proofreading Luana Ferreira de Freitas (POET/UFC)

Brazil
Source: brics.br

BRICS Sports Ministers signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation in Physical Culture and Sports on Wednesday, June 4, advancing a shared agenda to integrate sport into public policy. The agreement, issued by Brasil’s Ministry of Sports, links athletic policy to broader social goals—including mental and physical health, social inclusion, and economic development.

“The memorandum we signed today is a testament of the commitment of new delegations, and to institutional maturity and mutual recognition. Sport is a vehicle for development, inclusion, social transformation, and the unity of peoples,” declared Brasil’s Minister of Sports, André Fufuca.

The memorandum reflects shared priorities and converging aspirations: it affirms ethical principles, defends sporting integrity, promotes inclusivity, and lays out a roadmap for cooperation among BRICS nations in the coming years. “To achieve these goals, it is essential that we invest in sports governance and the protection of our athletes, and that we prioritize transparency and promote the exchange of best practices,” Fufuca said. The minister added that, far an ending, this meeting was “a new beginning” for BRICS’ sports cooperation.

Click here to read the memorandum

Sports as a Bridge Between Nations

ETHIOPIA — Leulgesed Tadese Abebe, Ethiopia’s ambassador to Brasil, noted that the public policies under discussion stem from BRICS’ aim to foster a favorable environment for societies in member states to create such opportunities, particularly socioeconomic ones. “Developing sound strategies and concrete initiatives through public policy is essential to uniting all stakeholders, so that we can harness the power of sports for peace and inclusive development,” he added.

The ambassador added that sports play a crucial role in advancing all three pillars of the BRICS cooperation. “Sports promote peace and harmony between nations and societies; they are a powerful engine for job creation and economic prosperity. And just as importantly, sports foster mutual understanding, cultural exchange, and friendship. BRICS is all about building friendships, strengthening partnerships, and encouraging mutual respect,” he said.

SOUTH AFRICA — In Gayton Mackenzie’s eyes, the Minister of Sports and Culture in South Africa, the memorandum provides BRICS countries with a cohesive, coordinated policy framework—one that promotes fair and equitable access to sport. “Sports is the greatest unifier and most powerful contributor to a socially cohesive nation. It transforms lives, communities, and countries—but most of all, it changes how people perceive one another,” he said.

The Minister explained that sports are a tool for social transformation— serving not merely as entertainment, but as a form of identity-building. In post-apartheid South Africa, sports helped forge a unified national identity, providing a shared language transcending racial and social divides in line with Nelson Mandela’s vision. “It is important for sports to be used not only for entertainment, but also to unify people and raise social awareness on the fact that we are one nation,” he concluded.

Athlete Grant

In his opening remarks, Minister Fufuca highlighted the Bolsa Atleta (Athlete Grant) program as a crucial tool for reducing dropout rates in sports, democratizing access to training resources, and enhancing Brasil’s competitiveness in international events. Created in 2004, the direct financial assistance program was launched to fill a critical gap in support for Brazilian athletes. “It addresses a longstanding need for State-backed support in sports,” the Minister stated.

In 2023, after 14 years of budget freeze, the Bolsa Atleta grants were finally readjusted. According to Fufuca, 100% of Brazilian Olympic and Paralympic medalists at the 2024 Paris Games received support through the program. “The program currently supports over 10,000 athletes, with monthly stipends ranging from 1,000 to 15,000 reais. In 2025, we invested 176 million reais to support Brazilian athletes,” he said.

English version by Judas Tadeu de Azevedo Neto (UFC)
Proofreading by Enora Lessinger (POET/UFC)